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The Sudanese commander known as Hemedti, once earned his living trading camels and gold. Today, his paramilitary Rapid Support Forces control around 50% of Sudan.

Consolidating Control in Darfur

The RSF recently achieved a major victory by capturing the city of al-Fasher, which was the last remaining army garrison in the western region.

Hated and dreaded by his opponents, Hemedti is respected by his supporters for his ruthlessness and his promise to dismantle the corrupt state.

Modest Origins

His background is humble. He comes from the Mahariya clan of the Rizeigat tribe, an Arab group that spans the Chad-Sudan border region.

His birth year is approximately 1975, as is common in remote regions, his date and place of birth were not officially registered.

Led by his uncle Juma, his clan moved to Darfur in the late 20th century, fleeing conflict and seeking better opportunities.

Early Career

Dropping out of education in his adolescence, Hemedti started making money by trading camels across the desert to Libya and Egypt.

At that time, Darfur was Sudan's wild west—impoverished, ignored by the government of then-President Bashir.

Local armed groups known as the Janjaweed attacked villages of the native Fur communities, triggering a full-scale rebellion in 2003.

Ascendancy Amid Conflict

As a countermeasure, Bashir massively expanded the Janjaweed to lead his anti-rebel campaign. They soon became infamous for burning, looting, and killing.

Hemedti's unit was part of this, accused in attacking the village of Adwa in late 2004, killing 126 people, among them 36 children.

A US investigation determined that the Janjaweed were guilty of genocide.

Strategic Maneuvering

After the height of violence in 2004, Hemedti skillfully navigated his ascent to become leader of a powerful paramilitary force, a business network, and a political organization.

At one point he rebelled, demanding back-pay for his fighters, promotions, and a political position for his sibling. Bashir acceded to many of his requests.

Subsequently, when other Janjaweed units rebelled, Hemedti led loyalist troops that crushed them, taking over Darfur's largest artisanal gold mine at Jabel Amir.

Quickly, his business venture al-Gunaid became Sudan's largest gold exporter.

Formalizing Power

In 2013, Hemedti asked for and received formal status as head of the new paramilitary group, reporting directly to Bashir.

The Janjaweed were integrated into the RSF, getting modern equipment and training.

Regional Ambitions

Hemedti's forces engaged in the Darfur conflict, performed less successfully in the Nuba Mountains, and accepted a contract to guard the border with Libya.

Supposedly stopping illegal crossings, Hemedti's commanders also engaged in extortion and people-trafficking.

In 2015, Saudi Arabia and the UAE requested Sudanese troops for the war in Yemen. Hemedti struck his own agreement to provide RSF mercenaries.

His ties with the UAE proved highly significant, beginning a strong alliance with Emirati leadership.

Growing Power

Recruits trekked to RSF recruiting centers for cash payments of up to six thousand dollars.

Hemedti formed an alliance with the Russian Wagner organization, receiving training in exchange for commercial dealings, particularly in the gold trade.

He visited Moscow coincided with the day of the invasion of Ukraine.

Turning on Allies

As protests grew, Bashir ordered Hemedti's units to the city of Khartoum, nicknaming him himayti.

This backfired. In 2019, when demonstrators called for change, Bashir ordered the army to open fire. Instead, the generals overthrew him.

For a time, Hemedti was celebrated as a fresh face for Sudan. He attempted to rebrand, but that lasted only weeks.

Return to Violence

As the transition stalled, Hemedti unleashed the RSF, which committed massacres, raped women, and allegedly executed men in the River Nile.

Hemedti has rejected that the RSF engaged in war crimes.

Pressed by international powers, the military and civil leaders reached a deal, leading to an uneasy partnership for several years.

Current Conflict

When a committee began examining military-owned companies, Burhan and Hemedti dismissed the civilians and took control.

But they fell out. Burhan insisted the RSF be integrated into the military. Hemedti resisted.

Last year, RSF units attempted to seize key bases in the capital. The takeover effort failed, and violence broke out city-wide.

Conflict intensified in Darfur, with the RSF launching brutal attacks against the Masalit community.

The UN estimates up to 15,000 civilian deaths, with the American officials calling it genocide.

Present Situation

Hemedti's forces obtained advanced arms, including sophisticated drones, deployed against Burhan's stronghold and crucial in the assault on el-Fasher.

Equipped thus, the RSF is in a strategic stalemate with the national military.

Hemedti has created a rival administration, the so-called unity government, taking the chairmanship.

After taking al-Fasher, the RSF now controls the majority of inhabited territory in western Sudan.

Following reports of mass killings, Hemedti announced a probe into violations committed by his soldiers.

Many believe Hemedti envisions himself as ruler of an independent region or aspires to control the entire country.

Alternatively, he may emerge as a political puppet master, commanding a vast network of interests.

And as Hemedti's troops commit violence in al-Fasher, he appears confident of avoiding consequences in a global community that overlooks.